The topic of using gender stereotypes in the media is quite popular; the authors address it in order to identify unequal press attention to “male” and “female” topics, to the problems of the female audience. However, the use of gender stereotypes not only contributes to the formation of certain social images, but also helps to consolidate norms of behavior and moral values.
Modern female images are based on stereotypical ideas about female behavior and the purpose of women. A stereotype is usually understood as a schematically standardized image that is easily remembered, perceived by the audience and used to characterize a social object, group, or community. In the process of forming male and female images, a system of gender stereotypes emerged that defines the roles, functions, and behavioral characteristics of men and women.
The most popular publications on the domestic press market are women's magazines, the main purpose of which is to create “fashionable” female images. The construction of behavioral models occurs on the basis of the widespread use of gender stereotypes. A thematic analysis of women's magazines Domashny Ochag, Glamour, Cosmopolitan, She, Samaya!, Mini shows that popular women's publications not only replicate gender stereotypes, the authors of publications, using gender stereotypes, implement a number of tasks , directly related to the goals of women's periodicals.

The use of gender stereotypes in the press aimed at female audiences helps:
- determine the relationships between gender groups in society,
- characterize the behavior patterns of female and male audiences,
- classify the audience into certain groups with their characteristic role settings (the modern female audience is segmented into a number of groups: woman-mother, woman-wife, business woman, etc.),
- reflect the transformation of stereotypes caused by socio-economic changes in society.
The semantic content of gender stereotypes depends on the economic, social and cultural characteristics of society. Thus, in Russia, despite the high percentage of female employment in social and professional production, ideas about the patriarchal way of life still remain relevant, which is expressed in ideas about the relationship between men and women. Authors of women's magazines highlight the following behavioral characteristics of female and male audiences:
– a man must conquer a woman (“From childhood, a Russian man is brought up with the confidence that he must conquer a woman, and she must remain meek, sweet, mysterious. This attitude has been developed over centuries”),
- in society, the position of men remains dominant (“No matter what they say about us as a European country, we are still “Scythians and Asians,” therefore men will always treat women as their smaller brothers”)
- every woman’s dream is to create a family (“You go to college, then work until you find a suitable husband to give it all up and have children. If you do this in order, your life is a success. Any deviations from the plan are a sign of abnormality "),
- a woman must take care of her beloved man (“I am convinced that Russian women are an absolutely ideal synthesis of East and West. We combine the ability to put a man on a pedestal and the desire to serve him, inherent in the East, and complete independence”).

Most Russian women base their formula for an ideal, “happy” life on their marital status. A woman must get married, run a household, do handicrafts, and she does not have to give up work. But no matter what career heights a contemporary woman reaches, according to the established opinion, her chosen one must provide for the family; for a Russian woman, a husband still remains a breadwinner, a strong, courageous man, capable of solving all problems. Society maintains a negative attitude towards women who refuse to have children.
Unlike Russian women, the life aspirations of American women are not related to family life, they are focused on professional fulfillment. Therefore, the behavior and image of Russian women is surprising among feminized Western women, so researcher N. Rees makes the following conclusion regarding the origin of female stereotypes in Russian society: “The most positive thing about a woman, Russians believe, is her Herculean endurance and ability to handle family affairs and work , go shopping and be attractive at the same time.
...as a result of the combination of archaic but tenacious gender stereotypes and communist propaganda, it turned out that two opposing images of women have developed in the public consciousness: on the one hand, the Slavic Mother Earth, a nurse who completely devoted herself to caring for her patriarchal husband and children, on the other hand – modern woman, working side by side with a man."

Emancipation, the theory of gender equality, leads to a change in the standards of male and female behavior. In Western countries, women actively express themselves in the professional sphere, are engaged in business, politics, and choose those sectors of work that have traditionally been considered male, for example, the army, navy, etc. The professional success of women makes it possible not to associate dreams of a happy family life with financial well-being. Based on this, maintaining a separate family budget and drawing up marriage contracts, which stipulate the family and household responsibilities of the spouses, are becoming the norm. A change in the usual statuses of men and women - a man as a breadwinner and breadwinner, a woman as a housewife and mother - entails a transformation of their behavior: ideas about male and female character, style and lifestyle change.
In Russia, changes regarding the modification of gender role functions have not received mass approval - a certain period of time must pass before society “accepts” new images. While this has not happened, and ideas about masculine men and feminine women are strong in the public consciousness, the domestic women's press continues to support ideas about typical female and male roles and the specific behavior determined by them.
Women who read women's magazines still want an answer to the question: “What should a woman be like to please a man?” Popular glossy publications present the following answer options:
- calm, modest, not to show excessive initiative in relations with a man: “Every man at heart is a hunter, and a woman is prey for him”;
- weak: “... women have a crushing weapon against which men are powerless - weakness,”
- interesting: “...it is, of course, necessary to surprise. A woman should be able to be different and interest a man. But first of all, she must be interesting to herself, able to see her shortcomings and be sure to work on herself,”
- well-groomed: “You must be sure that membership in the club / size 42 / dear stylist is the things you personally need, and not cliches imposed from outside,”
- sexy: “My boyfriend thinks that I don’t dress sexy enough and that I should wear higher heels and skirts on my hips,”
- faithful: “54% of men are convinced of the fidelity of their half”,
- self-sufficient, perfect: “Every woman should repeat to herself day and night: I am a queen. I am beautiful! I am ideal!
- a good housewife “I admire women who... are ready to give up their own careers... in favor of home warmth and comfort,”
- mother: “For any woman, children are the most important thing in life,” “Women... are more active, more dynamic than men. They quickly adapt to any changes and do their best to prepare their children for them. They try to give them a good education, teach them skills, and they take care of this from the cradle.”
Men disapprove of women's shortcomings such as unkemptness, bitchiness, capriciousness, self-confidence, ambition, masculine logic, stubbornness, etc.
The second question that a woman wants to find an answer to in women’s magazines is “What is he like, a modern man?” Knowledge of male psychology, habits, and character, in the opinion of “the fair sex,” should contribute to the normalization of interpersonal relationships and the choice of an “ideal” partner. The range of answers to this question is very wide. In the women's press, male audiences are given both negative and positive characteristics.

The disadvantages of men come down to the following qualities:
- sloppy, does not maintain order, optional: “All women know: there is a certain standard male behavior: he talks less, throws his socks around, doesn’t call you back on time...",
- incorrect: “47% cheat on their other halves”,
- considers himself perfect, based on this, questions the intellectual abilities of a woman: “How good it is to be stupid!... I knew that I was both beautiful and smart. I proved the possibility of the intersection of two concepts with foam at the mouth and got really angry. The boys laughed. And then in their eyes I saw the worst thing: the suspicion that I was smart”; He does not always behave respectfully towards a woman: “Yes, there are problems with men. Yes, we have few of them, and very few good ones. I have a lot of complaints about them. I hate it when people treat me rudely. I don't like it when people compare their wits with me. I’m sad that I’m meeting more and more men who have married for convenience.”
The ideal man, according to the authors of women's magazines, should
- work: “A real man must love his job”,
- be strong: “...to be a good husband and a caring father, to be strong, smart and kind.”
- don’t be greedy: “a common illness – you shouldn’t be obsessed with your wallet”,
- solve problems: “He took everything into his own male hands. Behind him is really like behind a stone wall! He is so thorough and reliable,”
- be good father: “It’s no secret that there are not so many good fathers. And, of course, every mother dreams that her child’s father will be good,”
- have a “masculine” appearance (“Women are attracted to brutality, which today many representatives of the stronger sex get rid of in beauty salons and fashion boutiques.”
However, women's magazines are not limited to discussing the traditional qualities of women and men. Changes are taking place in society: employment in professional production allows a woman not to count on the support of her husband or loved one. A modern family budget can consist entirely of the wife’s income, while the husband runs the household or receives a low salary. Thus, a woman turns into a breadwinner, she supports her family, as a result of which her behavior exhibits pronounced features that, until recently, were endowed with stereotypical male images. The women's press notes the changes in a woman's life; on its pages the following are actively discussed:
- benefits of life business woman: “I have two honors diplomas, an excellent job, a status position, a nice salary”, “...stability in the family and at work, confidence in the future and comfort - these are the guidelines of a working woman”;
- professional qualities of a contemporary: “If Russian business develops, it is only thanks to women. They are painstaking, read incomparably more than men... and steal incomparably less. They tend to negotiate rather than kill competitors,” “...women are equally as capable of business, energy, and the ability to defend their point of view. But from an early age a girl was always taught to be more modest, flexible, compliant, and obedient. And only new times release masculinity traits that were previously not characteristic of women”;
- a woman’s intellectual abilities: “We’ll tell you a terrible secret: the male brain is practically no different from the female. It’s all a myth!”
- changes in the image of a business woman: “Nothing makes a business woman more attractive than an item taken from a man’s wardrobe”;
- independent and free personal life of a woman: “... about 30% of women in economically developed countries do not want to stay with a man under a common roof and run a “joint household” with him;
- “unfeminine” activities, interests, hobbies: “Having disdained knitting and gardening, these girls became interested in unfeminine varieties - and received remarkable pleasure from it.”
The publications note that life circumstances also change the image of a man, who “no longer has to prove his masculine worth with physical force - his power is more likely to be confirmed by the brand of the car and the condition of the credit card.”
The transformation of role functions and characteristics of female and male images leads to changes in gender stereotypes; along with the usual definitions of the activities of women and men, new ones are used, which introduce new standards of behavior of individuals in the social environment, and introduce wider sections of the population to them.

Women's periodicals pay considerable attention to the topic of stereotypes, which is associated with the study of the psychology of men and women. The difference in socio-psychological characteristics of individuals leads to the formation of different types of behavior that remain poorly understood by representatives of the opposite sex, as a result of which the audience perceives certain male and female images that do not correspond to objective reality. Women's magazines, which actively form and disseminate gender stereotypes, at the same time draw readers' attention to the fact that these stereotypes may be false. So, for example, the psyche of a “strong man” is subject to strong emotional stress, therefore, the psychological capabilities of the male audience turn out to be greatly exaggerated: “Men are very gentle and vulnerable creatures, didn’t you know?”, “Men hide their weaknesses under armor - that’s why girls and It seems that we are not worried." Similar “misconceptions” have developed in the public consciousness regarding women, for example, “men think that women dress for them - and they are wrong. Shopping is an activity for yourself first and foremost, and for friends secondly.”

The authors of women's publications insist not only that stereotypes need to be revised and questioned, but sometimes also to build a model of behavior, violating stereotypical rules: “One friend of mine used to believe that there was no need for a man to confess his love to a smart girl,” “We were taught that cheating on your loved one... is bad... Do you remember the “Encyclopedia for Girls” - a set of rules for the behavior of a respectable bourgeois woman? She ordered not to sleep with a man after the first date, never call him first and under no circumstances show that you are crazy about him. Despite the obvious cunning of grandmother’s morality, many still diligently follow these rules - or at least pretend that they do... Meanwhile, even science claims that the most important thing is to follow your inner feeling.”
So, modern women's magazines strive to activate a woman's behavior, help her achieve the ideals of beauty and inner harmony, teach her how to organize her own life, everyday life in accordance with her own goals, publications are aimed at strengthening the family, in the implementation of their tasks their authors actively use gender stereotypes that help to form models of behavior and popularize them, while on the pages of the women's press a number of female images are highlighted that are in demand by society at the present stage, which indicates the attention of publications to various segments of the female audience.

Literature
1. Azhgikhina N. “Iron Lady” or Baba Yaga? “Women’s topic” in the modern Russian press // Materials of the First Russian Summer School on Women’s and Gender Studies “VALDAI-96”. - M., 1997. - St. pp. 43-46; Tartakovskaya I. Man and woman on the pages of modern Russian newspapers: discursive analysis // Rubezh. – 2000, No. 5. - - P. 168-241; Gender stereotypes in modern mass media // Women: freedom of speech and creativity: collection of articles. - M., 2001. - - P. 5-22; Chernova Zh.V. “Corporate standard” of modern masculinity // Sociological Research. – 2003, No. 2; Bobojanova R.M. The role of the media in the formation of gender stereotypes. Author's abstract. for the job application uch. Art. d.f. n. - Dushanbe, 2006. 49 - S.; Rostova k.V. Gender stereotypes in the media // Bulletin of the Humanitarian Institute of Tolyatti State University. – 2008, No. 2(4). – - P. 42-49, etc.
2. Home. 2006. February. I like mystery in a woman. - P. 42 – 44.
3. The most. 2006. January. Konstantinov A. Woman boss... and how to deal with her. - P. 90.
4. Glamor. 2005. October. Breaking taboos. - P. 74.
5. Home. 2006. January. Tatyana Ustinova: “I don’t believe in love at first sight.” - P. 38.
6. Rhys N. Ethnographic review. 1994. No. 5. - P. 22.
7. Home. - 2006. February. Man and woman. - P. 84, Samaya. 2006. January. Konstantinov A. Woman boss... and how to deal with her. - P. 90, Goltseva O. A fragile woman with a masculine character. - P. 15, Cosmopolitan. 2006. January. Your life. - P. 125, She. 2005. November. - P. 34, Samaya. 2007. August. The most and statistics. - P.20, Home. 2006. February. I like mystery in a woman. - pp. 42–44. Glamor. 2005. November. Suitable for a daughter. - P. 48, Home. 2006. February. What do men think of us? - P. 49, Glamor. 2006. May. Sindell L. Keith boss - S. - P.170
8. Glamor. 2005. November. Suitable for a daughter.
9. The most. 2007. August. The most and statistics. - P. 20, Cosmopolitan. 2006. April. Gorelikova D. From a great mind. - P. 186 – 187, Home. 2006. February. Dad for two houses. - P. 64, Home. 2006. February. Vinogradova M. Aelita, don’t pester men! - P. 6.
10. Glamor. 2006. November. Aspects of Excellence. - P. 216, Samaya. 2007. August. The most and statistics. - P. 20, Cosmopolitan. 2006. April. Gorelikova D. From a great mind. - P. 186 – 187, Home. 2006. February. Dad for two houses. - P. 64, Vinogradova M. Aelita, don’t pester men! - P. 6, Cosmopolitan. 2006. April. Remina E. Party meeting. - P. 125, Samaya. 2007. Fathers and sons: how to involve dad in the process - S. August. - P. 112.
11. Cosmopolitan. 2006. January. Ivanova L. Methods from the opposite. - P. 149, Home. 2006. February. What do men think of us? From 48. May. 2003. - P. 90, She. 2005. November. Search a woman. - P. 95, Cosmopolitan. 2006. April. One is happy. - P. 274, Glamor. 2005. October. Our own among strangers. - P. 111.
12. The most. 2006. January. Shishkova N. Don’t awaken the beast in him. - P. 50.
13. Glamor. 2005. October. Amurov G. A boy is crying. - P. 84.
14. Cosmopolitan. 2003. May. Editor's letter - p. 19
15. Mini. 2007. October. Letter from the editor. - P. 10, Glamor. 2005. October. Idleness and everyday life. - P. 87
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© Smeyukha Victoria Vyacheslavovna

Currently, the problem of stereotypes of gender behavior is very relevant. This is explained by the fact that in modern society, in order to ensure their own well-being, a person has to constantly be on the move. And if earlier the responsibilities for earning a livelihood lay on the shoulders of men, today women have also stepped onto this path. As a result, roles are redistributed between men and women, new behavior patterns of both men and women are formed, and, consequently, new gender stereotypes appear. This is due to the fact that in the minds of men and women, under the influence of a set of roles, patterns of typical male and female behavior are formed.

In this work, it is the female perspective on the problem that is studied, because due to the redistribution of roles, she began to account for a considerable part of the previously exclusively male responsibilities. It has become harder for a woman to fight for her well-being. Therefore, the opinion of the “weaker” sex seems to be the most interesting for research. Along with the individual's role set, there are other reasons for the emergence of stereotypes. W. Lippman in his work “Public Opinion” identifies two fundamental factors for the existence of gender stereotypes in society. The first reason is the implementation of the principle of saving effort, which is characteristic of everyday human thinking. This principle means that people do not always strive to react to the phenomena around them in a new way, but bring them under existing categories. The second reason is related to the protection of group values ​​as a purely social function, which is realized in the form of affirmation of one’s dissimilarity and specificity. That is, stereotypes act as a fortress that protects the traditions of society. There is another classification of factors of variability in gender behavior. These include culture, social class, race, ethnicity, occupational status and sexual orientation.

The media exerts significant pressure on the process of forming stereotypes of gender behavior. In accordance with a sociological survey by O.V. Baskakova, commercials, and television programs impose on television viewers the idea that men and women are primarily associated with the following images:

Successful businessman (businesswoman)

The image of impeccable people who care about their style and appearance

Sexy look

Image of the head of the family

In addition, men in the “advertising gender field,” unlike women, are not so globally identified with the manifestation of gender. Their behavior rather serves as an expression of social status and individuality. These behavioral models used in advertising to represent masculinity in general and the male image in particular, reproduce actual experience and real details of everyday life, with a clear demonstration of the dominance in the consciousness of our society of the patriarchal picture of the world presented in the advertising context. The consequence of this influence of the media is the fact that at the first impression, many people attribute to the interlocutor not the qualities that he possesses, but those that in his opinion a representative of a given gender should have. Therefore, it is extremely important to pay attention to stereotypes in order not to be influenced by them when people perceive each other.

In addition to the term “media,” there is a concept associated with mass information that is gaining popularity. This term is “media space”. “Typical” behavior consists of many areas of pastime, one of which is the distribution of free time, that is, leisure. Previously, sociologists found that free time men and women spend differently. For example, men are more likely to watch TV, putting everything aside and focusing solely on the TV show. Characteristic feature The male style of watching television is also zapping, that is, constant “clicking” on channels. Women's style of watching television is different. Women are more likely to watch TV in the background while doing household chores, and they are more likely to watch a selected program from start to finish without changing channels. A person's behavior while watching TV or reading books can tell a lot about them, so this topic is of particular research interest. The problem is that the media space imposes stereotypes of behavior of women and men on society, resulting in people’s perceptions of each other.

During the sociological survey, it was found that women believe that the modern media space (media, TV, literature and films) contributes to the formation of stereotypes about men and women. One of the most powerful factors of gender stereotyping is television. Respondents were asked the question: “What is your favorite film genre?” Among female TV viewers, preferences were distributed as follows: melodrama (14%), drama (13%) and comedy (10%). The “wooden” position is occupied by horrors (2.5%). But an analysis of the relationship between the presence of a “favorite movie genre” and the existence of gender stereotyping in this study showed that it is not entirely fair to say that the preferences of television viewers in one way or another influence the formation of images of a “real” woman and a “real” man. It was also found that this process is not decisively influenced by either the number of hours per day devoted to watching television, or the nature of the television programs watched. Gender stereotyping is fueled by these factors, which, when put together, form a powerful information field - the media space.

One of the most interesting tasks of this sociological study was devoted to identifying the image of men and women as users of the media space. The following criteria were put forward as the basis for compiling this image:

Popular literature among women

Preferences in film genres

TV viewing style

Some of the criteria have already been partially disclosed, but they should be expanded more widely. So, 48% of women prefer classical literature, primarily novels and detective stories. Among the literature women read, all kinds of magazines are very relevant. Among the most popular are the magazines “Everything for a Woman”, “Cosmopolitan”, “Caravan of Stories” and RVS. The main topics of these magazines are beauty and health, fashion, celebrity stories and news reports. At the same time, the range of preferences for this type of literature is quite large, which indicates that women read a large amount of this type of literature.

In order to have an idea about a woman as a TV viewer, you need to know how often a modern businesswoman, wife, mother can afford to relax in front of the TV screen. It was found that the average woman spends about 1.5 hours a day watching TV. At the same time, the woman is not focused on this or that TV show. The fact is that 40% of women surveyed watch TV while being distracted by other things, 32% occasionally look at the screen while doing other things, that is, they actually use the TV as a radio, 16% of women admitted that they do not watch TV at all lately , 12% admit that they often change channels when watching TV.

One of the main “passions” in the world of cinema for a woman is melodrama. This was confirmed in this sociological study: 32% of women identified this film genre as their favorite. Women also identified a genre close to the previous one – drama and comedy – as their favorite genre. So, it was found that, in the opinion of women, the fact of gender stereotypes takes place in the modern media space. Women were asked to answer the question about how women are associated with in the media. It turned out that, first of all, the media space describes the modern woman as a hard-working businesswoman who directs all her energy primarily to achieving money. Such a business woman solves important issues. She is independent, strong-willed and does not need outside help in her decisions. 25% of respondents think so. Secondly, a modern woman is a caring mother. She is gentle, her main task is to raise her beloved children. She strives to protect her child from surrounding adversity; financial affairs are unattractive to her. 23% of respondents agree with this opinion. And thirdly, a woman in the media space is a housewife. She is dependent on a man, her circle of affairs is limited to household chores. At the same time, it is obvious that the respondents themselves treat this image ironically, since often in the questionnaires one could read the wording “the image of a housewife is a loser.” This opinion belongs to 5% of respondents. Women also proposed such images as a spouse, a well-groomed woman, a seeker of her own happiness, striving for a standard, a boss, and so on.

MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
FEDERAL AGENCY FOR EDUCATION
BLAGOVESCHENSK STATE PEDAGOGICAL UNIVERSITY

FACULTY OF FOREIGN LANGUAGES

DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE and methods of teaching it

Reflection of gender stereotypes in the press
(based on American publications)

Final qualifying work
(graduate work)

Completed by: 5th year student
Ovsyannikova Olga Sergeevna
Signature:_________
Scientific adviser:
Associate Professor of the Department of English and
methods of teaching it
Candidate of Philology,
Palaeva Irina Valentinovna
Signature: _________

Approved for protection “_____”___________200__g
Head department ____________________________
The defense took place “_____”____________200__.
Grade "________"
Chairman of the SAC: (signature)________________

BLAGOVESHCHENSK 2009

	CONTENT
	INTRODUCTION	3
1	Basic concepts of gender linguistics	7
1.1	The concept of gender	7
1.1.2	Masculinity and femininity	12
1.1.3	Androgyny and its manifestations	17
1.2	The role and place of feminist ideology in the formation linguistic studies of gender	19
1.3	Gender stereotypes in the media	23
1.4	Conclusions on the first chapter	28
2	Reflection of gender stereotypes in the press	30
2.1	Visual gendered information in periodicals	30
2.2	Verbal gendered information in periodicals	35
2.3	Gender stereotypes in Cosmopolitan magazine	50
2.4	Gender stereotypes in GQ magazine	60
2.5	Gender stereotypes in Blender, People magazines and newspapers “New York Times”, “USA Today”	69
2.5.1	Gender stereotypes in the magazines “Blender”, “People”	69
2.5.2	Gender stereotypes in the newspapers “New York Times”, “USA Today”	78
2.6	Conclusions on the second chapter	83
	Conclusion	85
	List of used literature	88
	Application	94

INTRODUCTION

In the last decades of the twentieth century, there has been an intensive development of gender linguistics, which addresses issues such as the reflection of gender in language, as well as the speech and generally communicative behavior of men and women. Data on language obtained by gender linguistics is one of the main sources of information about the nature and dynamics of the construction of gender as a product of culture and social relations.
In the proposed thesis, following the leading genderologists of domestic and foreign linguistics (Voronina O.A., Goroshko E.I., Cameron D., Kirilina A.V., Sornyakova S.S., Scott J.), we define gender as sociocultural floor. In this work, sociocultural gender is understood as a complex of social and mental processes, as well as cultural attitudes generated by society and influencing the behavior of the individual (Kirilina, 1999).
Knowledge about people, accumulated both on the basis of personal communication experience and through other sources, is generalized and consolidated in people’s minds in the form of social stereotypes. They automate a person’s thinking and help to evaluate without any difficulty those phenomena that are related to stereotypical judgments. For centuries, people have developed stereotypical ideas about the behavior patterns of men and women, which are still oriented towards representatives of one or the other sex, regardless of their individual characteristics and age.
Today, mass media have a direct influence on the formation of public opinion. Values ​​and ideas regarding the roles of women and men in society are reflected in the flow of information broadcast by the media. The way in which the media present the social roles of men and women has a great influence on the social status of the individual.
In the activities of mass media, gender stereotypes based on socially accepted ideas about masculine and feminine personality traits are widely used to highlight gender roles. Modern mass communications, reflecting the image of a person in the press, the Internet, radio and television, contribute to the formation of certain behavioral attitudes. A gender stereotype can change over time due to changes in women’s roles in society, but it should be taken into account that gender stereotypes, like social ones, are characterized by stability and long-term existence in the “mass consciousness.” Mass media play a big role in broadcasting gender stereotypes. In this regard, the study of mass communications as a factor in the reproduction and formation of gender stereotypes in the mind is currently acquiring particular relevance.
The subject of this study is lexemes that verbalize gender stereotypes.
Gender stereotypes in the modern American press are the object of study of this thesis. In the scientific literature, there are works that study gender stereotypes (Voronina O.A., 2001; Kirilina A.V., 2001; Skornyakova S.S., 2004; Temkina A.A., 2002), but the systematic study of gender stereotypes , both men and women in general, as far as we know, has not yet been the object of special linguistic research.
The scientific novelty of the proposed research is determined by its object and an integrated approach to describing the entire gender system of stereotypes formed on the pages of periodicals in the United States. Along with female stereotypes, our work pays attention to male stereotypes, and also determines the role and place of the crisis of masculinity in reflecting the male image.
The purpose of this study is to reconstruct the system of gender stereotypes in modern American society. In accordance with the goal, the following tasks are formed:
1. Review the theoretical literature on gender studies in linguistics;
2. Conduct a selection of lexical elements that verbalize gender stereotypes in modern US periodicals;
3. Identify universal and culturally specific features of gender stereotypes, as well as interpret the identified features in the context of modern culture;
4. Structuring gender stereotypes;
5.Give a general description of feminine and masculine stereotypes in modern American society.
The material for this study was modern American periodicals. All magazines and newspapers can be divided into three groups: women's magazine (“Cosmopolitan”, 2008); mixed newspapers and magazines (“People”, 2007; “Blender”, 2008; “New York Times”, 2008; “USA Today”, 2008), men’s magazine (“GQ”, 2009).
The selection of the analyzed lexical material, in which gender stereotypes are realized, was carried out according to its gender orientation (marking) using the continuous sampling method. By gender marking, we, following Kirilina A.V., understand an indication of a sign of biological sex in the meaning of a lexical unit, i.e. to the attribute “female person” or “male person”, and not to “person in general” (Kirilina A.V. 1999). From these sources, 2038 lexemes were extracted that verbalize gender stereotypes of the period under study. The total volume of the material reviewed was 4716 pages, 30 issues of periodicals.
To solve the problems, the work uses contextual and qualitative-quantitative methods. Contextual analysis consists of studying the analyzed units within the framework of a necessary and sufficient fragment of text, which allows us to extract additional signs of the stereotypes being studied. Qualitative and quantitative methods allow us to visualize the relationship between gender stereotypes in modern American society.
The theoretical significance of the thesis lies in the further development of the gender direction in linguistics. The study of gender stereotypes using modern material has made it possible to verify that gender problematization can be used within different cultures, regardless of time and place.
The practical value of the work lies in the use of the research results in special courses on gender studies, cultural and linguistic studies, for the development of textbooks on gender linguistics, and in practical classes on the press.
The structure and scope of this thesis are determined by the stated purpose and research objectives. The volume of the thesis is 118 pages. The entire diploma research consists of an Introduction, two chapters, a Conclusion and a List of used literature, consisting of 65 titles. Tables are included in the text of the work.
The first chapter of the diploma, which is a theoretical study of the issue, touches on the problems of defining the main categories and concepts within the framework of gender linguistics. A separate paragraph of the first chapter highlights the question of the role of feminist criticism of language in the development of gender studies. An important place in the first chapter is occupied by the theoretical justification of gender stereotypes in society created by the media.
In the second chapter of the thesis, gender-oriented vocabulary is classified, and an attempt is made to highlight universal and culturally specific signs of gender stereotypes. An interpretation of gender stereotypes is made in the context of modern American society.
The Conclusion draws conclusions based on the results obtained and outlines prospects for possible further research.

1 Basic concepts of gender linguistics

1.1 The concept of gender

Gender linguistics (linguistic genderology) is a scientific direction within interdisciplinary gender studies that, using a linguistic conceptual apparatus, studies gender (sociocultural sex, understood as a conventional construct, relatively autonomous from biological sex).
The formation and intensive development of gender linguistics occurred in the last decades of the twentieth century, which is associated with the development of postmodern philosophy and a change in the scientific paradigm in the humanities.
In the most general terms, gender linguistics studies two groups of issues:
1) reflection of gender in language: nominative system, lexicon, syntax, category of gender and a number of similar objects. The purpose of this approach is to describe and explain how the presence of people of different genders is manifested in a language, what evaluations are attributed to men and women and in which semantic areas they are most common, what linguistic mechanisms underlie this process.
2) speech and, in general, communicative behavior of men and women: it is investigated by what means and in what contexts gender is constructed, how social factors and the communicative environment (for example, the Internet) influence this process. In this area, the theory of sociocultural determinism (accidentalism) and the theory of biodeterminism (essentialism) still compete in this area. Proponents of the sociobiological concept of gender consider the behavior of women and men, in particular communicative, depending on genetic predisposition and the results of evolution; emphasize the hypothesis of significant differences; using neurophysiological data, they talk about psychophysiological differences, thereby proving differences in the structure and functions of parts of the brain, therefore, in speech processes; call gender differences sex differences.) Biodeterminism is the principle of considering phenomena in which biological natural factors are considered determinative for human characteristics, in this case gender or sex. Biodeterminism first arose in the middle of the 19th century in the context of Darwin’s doctrine of natural selection, initially to explain the unique behavior of living systems, which later included humans.
Biodeterminists argue that there are global differences between members of the two gender groups, both physiologically and socially. Today, sociodeterministic and biodeterministic approaches are in opposition, and a number of modern researchers consider gender a “biological imperative.”
Data on language obtained by gender linguistics is one of the main sources of information about the nature and dynamics of the construction of gender as a product of culture and social relations. Postmodern philosophy sees language as the main tool for constructing a picture of the world, arguing that what a person perceives as reality is in fact a linguistic image, a socially and linguistically constructed phenomenon, the result of the language system we inherit. But language itself is not the product of some higher mind. It is a consequence of human experience, primarily concrete, bodily experience. Language provides the key to studying the mechanisms of constructing gender identity. Although gender is not a linguistic category (with the exception of socio- and partly psycholinguistics), analysis of language structures allows one to obtain information about what role gender plays in a particular culture, what behavioral norms for men and women are fixed in texts of different types, and how ideas about gender norms, masculinity and femininity over time, what stylistic features can be classified as predominantly feminine or predominantly masculine, how masculinity and femininity are conceptualized in different languages ​​and cultures, how gender affects language acquisition, with which fragments and thematic areas of language pictures of the world it is connected. Studying language also makes it possible to establish through what linguistic mechanisms the manipulation of gender stereotypes becomes possible.
So, the English term gender, meaning the grammatical category of gender, was removed from the linguistic context and transferred to the research field of other sciences - social philosophy, sociology, history, as well as into political discourse.
Gender is a concept used in social sciences to reflect the sociocultural aspect of a person’s gender. Gender is the social organization of sexual differences; a cultural characteristic of behavior that corresponds to gender in a given society at a given time. Gender is a social construction of a system of socio-gender and role relations. Gender is “the conscious meaning of sex, the sociocultural manifestation of the fact of being a man or a woman, mastered characteristics, expectations and behavior patterns” (V. Shapiro). Gender is “a set of social roles; it is a suit, a mask, a straitjacket in which men and women perform their unequal dances” (G. Lerner). Not sex, but gender determines the psychological qualities, abilities, types of activities, professions and occupations of men and women through the education system, traditions and customs, legal and ethical norms. Unlike the Russian language, which has one word associated with this issue: “gender,” the English language has two concepts: sex (sex) - sex and gender (gender) - a kind of “sociogender”. Both concepts are used to carry out the so-called horizontal socio-sexual stratification of society, in contrast to vertical ones: class, estate and similar stratifications. Sex denotes biological sex and is a "nativist" construct summarizing the biological differences between men and women. Gender, in turn, is a social construct that denotes the behavioral characteristics of social strategies. Sex and gender are at different poles in a person’s life. Sex is the starting position; a person is born with it. Sex is determined by biological factors: hormonal status, characteristics of biochemical processes, genetic differences, anatomy. Gender is a construction of a different pole. This is a kind of result of a person’s socialization in society in accordance with his gender. Men and women are cultural products of their societies. The decisive factor in the formation of differences is culture: “one is not born a woman, one becomes one.
Stereotypes about gender reflect society's views on the behavior expected of men or women; gender is a system of differences structured under the influence of culture. It is, in some way, related to biological differences, but is not limited to them. Gender is the social organization of sexual differences, although this does not mean that gender reflects or implements fixed and natural physical differences between women and men; rather, gender is knowledge that establishes meanings for bodily differences. These meanings vary across cultures, social groups and time. Sexual difference cannot be considered except as a functioning of our knowledge of the body: this knowledge is not “absolute, pure”, it cannot be isolated from its application in a wide range of discursive contexts. Sexual difference is not the usual cause from which social organization can ultimately grow. On the contrary, it is itself a changeable organization that itself must be explained. Man in his evolution - both in phylo- and ontogenesis - moves from sex to gender.
A. N. Makhmutova contrasts biological sex and gender as given and created: biological sex is what we are by birth, a “fact”. In this case, you can be a “man” or a “woman,” but you cannot become one. Gender is an acquired property, where being a “man in society” or “a woman in society” means having certain qualities, performing certain socio-sexual roles, therefore gender is an “artifact”. Gender scientists emphasize that gender is a dynamic phenomenon, changing in time and space, and not static or fixed. As Victoria Bergval figuratively puts it, “gender is more of a verb than a noun.”
At the Beijing Gender Symposium in 1995, five human gender profiles were identified, namely feminine, masculine, homosexual, lesbian and androgynous. It is obvious that the basis of the listed gender concepts is the conceptualization of human experience and the “bodily metaphor”. These categories reflect the classifying activity of human consciousness, derived from experience. The presence of two biological types of people – men and women – motivated the name of the metaphysical categories “femininity” and “masculinity”. The existence of people of homosexual orientation has made it possible to identify the gender categories “homosexuality” and “lesbianism.” The mental and physiological uniqueness of hermaphrodites, transsexuals, people belonging to the Hijra caste in India, as well as the problems and features of their socialization, are combined under the term “androgyny.” “Androgyny is only and not just a combination of male and female characteristics, but the transformation of the basic personality traits and consciousness from male to female and vice versa.”
Gendrologists focus their attention on such an important concept as gender identity - the basic structure of social identity that characterizes a person (individual) from the point of view of his membership in a male or female group, and most importantly, how a person categorizes himself.
The concept of identity was first presented in detail by E. Erikson. From the point of view of E. Erikson, identity is based on awareness of the temporal extent of one’s own existence, presupposes the perception of one’s own integrity, allows a person to determine the degree of his similarity with different people while simultaneously seeing his uniqueness and uniqueness. At the moment, social and personal (personal) identity are being considered (Tajfel Y.; Turner J.; Ageev V.S.; Yadov V.A. et al.). Since the 80s of the 20th century, in line with Tajfel-Turner’s theory of social identity, gender identity has been interpreted as one of the substructures of a person’s social identity (ethnic, professional, civil, etc. structures of social identity are also distinguished).
Gender identity is a broader concept than sex-role identity, since gender includes not only the role aspect, but also, for example, the image of a person as a whole (from hairstyle to toilet features). Also, the concept of gender identity is not synonymous with the concept of sexual identity (gender is not so much a biological concept as a cultural and social one). Sexual identity can be described in terms of the characteristics of a person's self-perception and self-presentation in the context of his sexual behavior in the structure of gender identity.
Gender identity means that a person accepts their culture's definitions of masculinity and femininity. Gender ideology is a system of ideas through which gender differences and gender stratification receive social justification, including in terms of “natural” differences or supernatural beliefs. Gender differentiation is defined as the process in which biological differences between men and women are given social meaning and used as a means of social classification. Gender role is understood as the fulfillment of certain social prescriptions - that is, gender-appropriate behavior in the form of speech, manners, clothing, gestures, and other things. When the social production of gender becomes the subject of research, it is usually considered how gender is constructed through institutions of socialization, division of labor, family, and mass media. The main topics are gender roles and gender stereotypes, gender identity, problems of gender stratification and inequality.
Gender as a stratification category is considered in combination with other stratification categories (class, race, nationality, age). Gender stratification is the process by which gender becomes the basis of social stratification.
So, we see that the concept of gender essentially means a complex socio-cultural process of the formation (construction) by society of differences in male and female roles, behavior, mental and emotional characteristics, and the result itself is the social construct of gender. Important elements in creating gender differences are the opposition of “masculine” and “feminine” and the subordination of the feminine principle to the masculine principle.
According to modern scientists, in the paradigm of modern scientific knowledge, gender becomes the same key concept as class, gender and nation. Studying the structures of language related to gender, linguists today proceed from its social and cultural, and not just natural, conditionality. The specific content of the words “woman” and “man” should be determined each time depending on the given cultural context, and not be entered ready-made. Biological differences do not provide a universal basis for constructing social definitions, since women and men are products of social relationships. Consequently, when social relations change, the categories of “masculinity” and “femininity” also change.

1.1.2 Masculinity and femininity

Masculinity (masculinity) is a complex of attitudes, behavioral characteristics, opportunities and expectations that determine the social practice of a particular group, united by gender. In other words, masculinity is what is added to the anatomy to produce a male gender role.
In the field of modern social sciences, there are different concepts of masculinity, which range from essentialist to social constructivist.
The essentialist approach views masculinity as a derivative of the biological difference between a man and a woman, that is, as a natural category and, thus, masculinity is defined as a set of physical qualities, moral standards and behavioral characteristics inherent in a man from birth. According to this approach, masculinity is what a man is and what, accordingly, constitutes his natural essence. This concept has come under considerable criticism as a result of the development of comparative studies of gender systems in societies differing in economic and cultural parameters, and today represents a striking example of vulgar biological determinism.
The social constructivist approach defines masculinity in terms of gender expectations. Masculinity is what a man should be and what is expected of him. According to this approach, masculinity is constructed both by society as a whole and by each individual male. The social construct of masculinity is derived from the gender ideology of society and is formed under the influence of traditional views on the male role, modern economic realities and the sociocultural situation. At the individual level, masculinity is constructed as a gender identity in accordance with the requirements of gender norms that prevail in a particular social group, and is realized through interactive actions. The concept of masculinity is important for both gender studies and women's and men's studies. Studying models of masculinity allows us to better understand the main components of society’s gender ideology and the principles of functioning of institutions of patriarchal domination, as well as find ways to change the existing gender order.
Following ordinary consciousness, psychoanalytic theories often reduce masculinity to sexuality or describe it primarily in sexological terms, which is a strong simplification. The psychoanalytic paradigm makes it possible to express and describe the subjective experiences of men associated with the “crisis of masculinity,” but specific historical social realities and especially the mechanisms of social change elude it.
Since the 1970s, first in the West, and then in the USSR, they began to talk and write a lot about the fact that the traditional male lifestyle, and, perhaps, the psychological properties of men themselves do not correspond to modern social conditions and that men have to pay for its dominant position comes at too high a price. However, the causes of this “crisis of masculinity” and possible ways to overcome it are interpreted differently and even oppositely.
Some authors see the problem in the fact that men as a gender class or social group lag behind the demands of the time, their attitudes, activities and especially group identity, ideas about what a man can and should be, do not correspond to the changed social conditions and are subject to radical change and perestroika. That is, men must look and move forward.
Other authors, on the contrary, see in social processes that undermine male hegemony a threat to the age-old “natural” foundations of human civilization and call on men, as traditional defenders of stability and order, to put an end to this degradation and return society back to a calm and reliable past.
These disputes themselves are not unique. Since men were the dominant force in society, at least in its public sphere, the normative canon of masculinity and the image of a “real man”, like all other fundamental values ​​- “true friendship”, “eternal love”, etc., were always idealized and projected into the past.
During periods of rapid historical change, when previous forms of gendered power relations became inadequate, these nostalgic feelings became especially strong, and ideologues began to write about the feminization of men and the disappearance of “real masculinity.”
In the last third of the 20th century, the historical crisis of the customary gender order began to cause growing concern and discontent for both men and women. If in the 19th century Since the so-called women's question has appeared in the European public consciousness, we can now talk about the emergence of a special "men's question".
The ideologists of the movement saw the main source of all men’s problems and difficulties in the limitations of the male gender role and the psychology corresponding to it, proving that not only women, but also men themselves suffer from sexist stereotypes. : "Men's liberation," Jack Sawyer wrote in 1970, "seeks to help destroy sex-role stereotypes that view 'manhood' and 'womanhood' as statuses to be achieved through appropriate behavior. Men are neither free to play, neither cry freely, nor be tender, nor show weakness, because these properties are “feminine” and not “masculine”. A more complete concept of man recognizes all men and women as potentially strong and weak, active and passive; these human qualities do not belong exclusively to one sex."
Best-selling men's novelists of the 1970s, Warren Farrell, Mark Fagen Fasto, Robert Brannon, and others argued that the solution to men's difficulties was to first change the socialization of boys, so to speak, to let them cry.
Since most of these people were psychologists and middle-class people, the social structure and associated gender inequalities, and especially the inequalities in the status of different categories of men, remained in the shadows, and calls for “masculinity change” were reduced to arguing for a wider choice of lifestyles, expanding the range of acceptable emotional expressions and opportunities for greater self-actualization for men. An exception was the social psychologist Joseph Plec, who associated masculine psychological qualities with the struggle for power and its retention.
However, a policy whose pathos is aimed at abolishing the privileged position of men cannot mobilize the broad male masses under its banner. Although the ideas of “men's liberation” became quite widespread in the USA, England and especially in Australia, this movement did not become a serious political force. Men's organizations of this type are numerous, but small in number, predominantly consisting of middle-class men with university education and left-liberal views.
By their nature, these are, as a rule, “soft” men, whose physical and mental appearance sometimes does not correspond to the stereotypical image of a “real man” - a strong and aggressive macho. The opinion that these are predominantly gays does not correspond to the truth (gays and bisexuals make up, according to various estimates, from 10 to 30%). However, interest in men's issues is often stimulated by personal difficulties (absence of a father, unpopularity among boys in class, unsuccessful marriage, difficulties of fatherhood, etc.). For many of these men, social and political activity is psychologically compensatory.
Among ordinary men, interest in issues of masculinity is low. Some US universities have been teaching a course on “Men and Masculinity” for more than ten years. It would seem that he should be of interest to young men. But 80-90% of his listeners are women, and the few men are predominantly from ethnic or sexual minorities. The reason for this is not that young men do not have problems (books on these topics sell well), but because they are embarrassed to admit it.
According to Bly and his associates, the main task of our time is to guide men on the path of spiritual search in order to help them restore the basic masculine values ​​that they have lost. All ancient societies had special rituals and initiations through which adult men helped teenage boys establish their deep, natural masculinity. Urban industrial society has severed the bonds between different generations of men, replacing them with alienated, competitive, bureaucratic relationships, and in doing so has severed men from each other and from their own masculinity. The place of healthy male rituals is taken, on the one hand, by the destructive, aggressive hypermasculinity of street gangs, and on the other, by femininity that softens and kills male potential.
For all their differences, men's movements do not represent a real and organized political force. In the debate about the crisis of masculinity there is more emotion and ideology than calm reflection. Socially active men find other channels for self-realization, but the rest are indifferent to these issues. Moreover, the applied aspects of the topic are men's health, sexuality, pedagogy of fatherhood, etc. - widely covered in commercial publications and the media.
Femininity (femininity, femininity) - characteristics associated with the female sex, or characteristic forms of behavior expected of a woman in a given society or “a socially defined expression of what is considered to be positions inherent in a woman.” Traditionally, it was assumed that the feminine was biologically determined, and such traits as passivity, responsiveness, gentleness, absorption in motherhood, caring, emotionality, etc. were attributed to it. These ideas were in accordance with the attribution of women to the private, and not also to the public sphere.
But feminist research has challenged the dependence of sociocultural characteristics and processes on biological differences: femininity is not so much natural as it is constructed from childhood - a girl is condemned if she is not feminine enough. According to French feminist theorists (E. Cixous, Y. Kristeva), femininity is an arbitrary category that patriarchy has endowed women with.
There is also the idea that femininity is a special “equal-but-different” opposite of masculinity, which is also false, since masculine traits (perseverance, self-sufficiency, courage, etc.) are considered valuable for all people, including women, and feminine ones are desirable only for women in terms of their attractiveness to men. Radical feminists believe that, therefore, the essence of femininity is to set limits for women that ultimately it is men who find useful, enjoyable and safe for themselves.
Since the 70s, feminists initially rejected femininity as reproducing the secondary status of women in favor of androgyny, but then they began to question this position. Psychologist J. Miller suggested that such feminine traits as emotionality, vulnerability and intuition are not a weakness, but a special strength that can become essential for building a better society, and that men could develop these traits in themselves. The modern crisis of masculinity indirectly testifies in favor of this position.
"Androcentrism can be seen as a specific configuration of power relations that is neither inevitable nor universal...". Androcentrism is a deep cultural tradition that reduces universal human subjectivity (universal human subjectivities) to a single male norm, represented as universal objectivity, while other subjectivities, and especially female ones, are represented as subjectivity itself, as a deviation from the norm, as marginalia. Thus, androcentrism is not just a view of the world from a male point of view, but the presentation of male normative ideas and life models as single universal social norms and life models. Femininity within an androcentric culture is defined as marginal to the existing symbolic order, in which masculinity appears as the norm. .
There are differences in the images of American and Russian men and women. The thesis of multiple masculinities, put forward by the Australian sociologist R. Connell, helps to understand why the difference is so significant. Masculinity is not something homogeneous and unified; on the contrary, we can talk about the simultaneous existence of different types of masculinity. In a similar way, we can talk about the existence of many types of femininity. Types of masculinity and femininity vary across cultures, different periods stories; they differ depending on status characteristics (ethnicity, professional status, age, etc.).

1.1.3 Androgyny and its manifestations

The idea that one person can combine both masculine and feminine qualities was first expressed by Carl Jung in his essay “Anima and Animus,” but modern psychology paid little attention to it until the early 1970s. American psychologist Sandra Bem did not introduce the concept of androgyny - the combination of masculine and feminine traits in an individual. The androgynous personality incorporates the best of both sex roles. Since then, numerous studies have proven that masculinity and femininity are not opposed to each other, and a person with characteristics strictly corresponding to his gender turns out to be poorly adapted to life. Thus, low-masculine women and high-feminine men are distinguished by helplessness, passivity, anxiety, and a tendency to depression. Highly masculine women and men are characterized by difficulties in establishing and maintaining interpersonal contacts. A high percentage of sexual and psychological disharmonies and sexual disorders were revealed in young married couples, where the partners adhered to traditional models of female and male behavior. At the same time, a connection was found between androgyny and high self-esteem, the ability to be persistent, motivation to achieve, effective performance of the parental role, and an internal sense of well-being. An androgynous personality has a rich set of gender-role behavior and uses it flexibly depending on dynamically changing social situations.
Manifestations of androgyny also include hermaphroditism and transsexualism. Hermaphrodite?zm (hermaphroditismus; Greek Hermaphrodites son of Hermes and Aphrodite, combining the characteristics of male and female; synonym: bisexuality, intersexuality. bisexuality) the presence of characteristics of both sexes in the same individual. There are true hermaphrodism (gonadal) and false (pseudohermaphroditism), which assumes that the subject has characteristics of a sex opposite to the gonadal sex. True hermaphrodism is an extremely rare disease (only about 150 cases are described in the world literature). False hermaphrodism includes all forms of testicular and extragenital (adrenal, medicinal, etc.) pathology of sexual development.
Transsexualism is a persistent discrepancy between a person’s sexual identity and his genetic sex. The term transsexualism was proposed by H. Benjamin, who in 1953 described this condition from a scientific point of view and defined it as “a pathological state of personality, consisting in a polar divergence of biological and civil sex on the one hand, with mental sex on the other hand ".
Transsexualism occurs in almost all ethnic groups, despite significant cultural differences, which may serve as indirect evidence of its biological basis.
Janice Raymond was the first to subject the issue of transsexuality to feminist analysis. In Transsexual Empire (1979), she writes that transsexuality is not a universal problem, as it might seem, but only a problem of masculinity. She believes that its root cause is patriarchy, in which there was a division of sex roles and it was ideologically entrenched that the image of a woman is created by men.
The paradoxes of changing gender roles and deviations from generally accepted norms make a strong impression. Studies of bisexuality and homosexuality demonstrate the diversity of forms of human existence, the complexity and infinity of the search for “I”, one’s individuality, one’s identity.
However, smoothing out the male-female dichotomy in a person’s consciousness and behavior poses a certain threat of loss of positive social identity, since the institutions of the family, school, politics, media, and labor market continue to reinforce gender role prescriptions. The problem of the symmetrical construction of the feminine and masculine in culture requires significant changes in the structure of public institutions.
Modern gender theory does not try to dispute the existence of certain biological, social, psychological differences between specific women and men. She simply argues that the fact of differences in itself is not as important as their sociocultural assessment and interpretation, as well as the construction of a power system based on these differences. The gender approach is based on the idea that what is important is not the biological or physical differences between men and women, but the cultural and social meaning that society places on these differences. The basis of gender studies is not just a description of the difference in statuses, roles and other aspects of the lives of men and women, but an analysis of power and dominance asserted in society through gender roles and relationships.

1.2 The role and place of feminist ideology in the development of linguistic studies of gender

“Feminism is very difficult and painstaking work. It is an attempt to change behavior and public opinion. People don't like it when we challenge their ideas or criticize their traditional way of life. They always resist when we offer them a new model of behavior or way of thinking. Admitting that discrimination exists within you is a painful, long and difficult process.”
Defining what feminism is, given the diversity and continuous development of this phenomenon, is quite difficult. The answer to the question - what is feminism? - can hardly be unambiguous. "The day we begin to define feminism precisely, it will lose its vitality." In practice, feminism can take many forms, in theory it criticizes itself, endlessly developing and questioning everything, giving few definitive answers to anything. There are many feminisms, and their number is increasing. The definition and certainty of feminism depend on the context (political, social, economic, theoretical, etc.) in which it develops, on the rise and fall of the women's movement.
"There is no single feminist theory or liberation group. Feminist ideas have developed from several different philosophical belief systems, so the women's movement is made up of various parallel orientations."
"While there are almost as many feminisms as there are feminists, there seems to be no current cultural consensus on relative representation... As a verbal signifier of difference and plurality, 'feminisms' is a good term for designation, not consensus." .
Researchers and movement participants understand feminism differently, giving it either narrow or broad definitions. In its broadest sense, feminism is “the active desire of women to change their position in society.” A feminist is any person, man or woman, whose ideas and actions satisfy three criteria: 1) they recognize the possibility of women interpreting their life experiences, 2) they are dissatisfied with the institutional inequality of women, 3) they want to end it inequality Feminism can be understood as the struggle of women, and the ideology of equal rights, and social change, and the ridding of men and women from stereotypical roles, and an improvement in the way of life, and active action.
Gender studies, which is one of the fastest growing areas in modern humanities and social sciences, originated within the framework of feminist theory. As Joan V. Scott points out, the term "gender" in its modern usage originated with American feminists. This concept is associated with the denial of biological determinism contained in the terms "sex" (sex), "sexual difference"... In the Teresa de Lauretis definition, "gender" is representation, expression (representation); the expression of gender is its construction (including through art and culture); the construction of gender occurred in the Victorian era, it continues today, and not only in the media, schools, courts, families, but also in academic communities, avant-garde art and radical theories, especially in feminism, the construction of gender is paradoxically influenced by its deconstruction.
Feminist criticism of language (feminist linguistics) is a unique direction in linguistics, its main goal is to expose and overcome the male dominance reflected in language in social and cultural life. It appeared in the late 1960s and early 1970s in connection with the emergence of the New Women's Movement in the United States and Germany.
The first work of feminist criticism of language was the work of R. Lakoff “Language and the Place of Women,” which substantiated the androcentrism of language and the inferiority of the image of women in the picture of the world reproduced in language. The specifics of feminist criticism of language include its pronounced polemical nature, the development of its own linguistic methodology, as well as a number of attempts to influence language policy and reform the language towards eliminating the sexism contained in it.
Having originated in the USA, feminist criticism of language became most widespread in Europe in Germany with the appearance of the works of S. Tromel-Plotz and L. Pusch. The works of Y. Kristeva also played a significant role in the dissemination of feminist criticism of language.
The main goal of feminist literary criticism is to re-evaluate the classical canon of "great" literary texts in terms of 1) female authorship, 2) female reading, and 3) so-called female writing styles. In general, feminist literary criticism can be philosophically and theoretically oriented in different ways, but one thing remains common to all its varieties - the recognition of a special way of women's being in the world and the corresponding women's representational strategies. Hence the main demand of feminist literary criticism about the need for a feminist revision of traditional views on literature and writing practices, as well as the thesis about the need to create a social history of women's literature.
There are two currents in feminist criticism of language: the first refers to the study of language in order to identify asymmetries in the language system that are directed against women. These asymmetries are called linguistic sexism. We are talking about patriarchal stereotypes fixed in the language and imposing on its speakers a certain picture of the world, in which women are given a secondary role and mainly negative qualities are attributed. It is investigated what images of women are fixed in language, in what semantic fields women are represented and what connotations accompany this representation. The linguistic mechanism of “inclusion” in the grammatical masculine gender is also analyzed: the language prefers masculine forms if we mean persons of both sexes. In the opinion of representatives of this movement, the mechanism of “inclusion” contributes to the ignoring of women in the picture of the world. Studies of language and gender asymmetries in it are based on the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis: language is not only a product of society, but also a means of shaping its thinking and mentality. This allows representatives of feminist criticism of language to argue that all languages ​​functioning in patriarchal cultures are masculine languages ​​and are built on the basis of a masculine picture of the world. Based on this, feminist criticism of language insists on rethinking and changing linguistic norms, considering the conscious normalization of language and language policy as the goal of its research.
The second direction of feminist criticism of language is the study of the characteristics of communication in same-sex and mixed groups, which is based on the assumption that, on the basis of patriarchal stereotypes reflected in language, different strategies of speech behavior of men and women develop. Particular attention is paid to the expression in speech acts of relations of power and subordination and the communicative failures associated with them (interruption of the speaker, inability to complete a statement, loss of control over the topic of discourse, silence, etc.).
The effect of feminist literary criticism on literary theory and culture at the end of the 20th century was truly stunning: many texts by women authors (including minor and forgotten ones) were discovered and studied not only in the traditions of the leading literatures of the world, but also in the literary traditions of various countries ; A significant number of male and female authors of classical literature have been subjected to feminist analysis, from ancient times to the present day; many new interpretations of the classical literary tradition have been proposed; a new apparatus of literary theory has been created, enriched by the apparatus of feminist literary criticism, new strategies for analyzing literary texts have been introduced and are being used. It can be said that today there is no practice of reading a literary or philosophical text that would not take into account its possible gender or feminist interpretation. And most importantly, a new broad academic discipline has been created - feminist literary criticism, within which texts related to women's writing, women's style or women's way of being are produced.
The development of global mass media, especially electronic ones, serves as an important tool for the globalization of gender. They ensure the circulation of stereotypical gender images that are best adapted to market demands. But a larger role than the standardization of culture is played by a historically long process - the export of institutions. Institutions not only offer their own gender regimes and their own definitions of femininity and masculinity - they create the conditions for special types of social practices and set their patterns.

1.3 Gender stereotypes in the media

The term stereotype was introduced in 1922 by the American sociologist W. Lippman to describe the process of forming public opinion. Since then, the term has been successfully used to characterize any stable image that develops in the public or group consciousness, the use of which in many ways “facilitates” people’s perception of new information (L.G. Titarenko). A stereotype is a judgment in a sharply simplifying and generalizing form, with emotional overtones, attributing certain properties to a certain class of persons or, conversely, denying them these properties. Stereotypes are considered as special forms of information processing that facilitate a person’s orientation in the world. The features contained in stereotypes are used by speakers to assess whether objects belong to a particular class and attribute certain characteristics to them. Y. Levada calls stereotypes ready-made templates, “casting molds into which streams of public opinion are cast.”
Stereotypes have a generalizing function, which consists in organizing information: an affective function (contrasting “us” and “alien”); social function (the distinction between “in-group” and “out-group”), which leads to social categorization and the formation of structures that people focus on in everyday life.
According to the figurative expression of M. Pickering, the most important function of a stereotype is to clearly determine where the “fence” is and who is on the other side of this fence. Researchers agree on the definition of stereotyping as the process of attributing characteristics to individuals based on their group membership, and stereotypes as a set of ideas about the characteristics (attributes) of a group of people. Among the various types of stereotypes, ethnic stereotypes (shared schematized images of ethnic groups) and gender stereotypes (images of masculinity and femininity) occupy a special place due to the extreme importance for a person of his gender and national identity. Regarding gender stereotypes, it should also be taken into account that ideas about masculine and feminine are rooted in every national culture, which results in the perception of gender differences as natural and impeccably legitimate.
Gender stereotypes are generalized ideas (beliefs) formed in culture about how men and women actually behave. The term should be distinguished from the concept of gender role, which means a set of expected behavior patterns (norms) for men and women. The emergence of gender stereotypes is due to the fact that the model of gender relations was historically built in such a way that sexual differences were located above the individual, qualitative differences in the personality of a man and a woman. Already in Plato one can find the conviction that all women are different from men: “... by nature, both a woman and a man can take part in all matters, but a woman is weaker than a man in everything” (Plato, “Republic”).
Gender stereotypes can be traced in philosophical, psychological, and cultural texts. Thus, Aristotle in his work “On the Birth of Animals” stated: “The feminine and masculine principles are fundamentally different in their purpose: if the first is identified with the bodily, with matter, then the second with the spiritual, with form.” A similar view is found in N. A. Berdyaev, V. F. Ern, V. I. Ivanov. Many authors interpret the masculine principle as the initiating principle, the feminine principle as the receptive principle; the first is proactive, the second is receptive, the first is active, the second is passive, the first is dynamic, the second is static. Gender stereotypes are a special case of a stereotype and reveal all its properties. Gender stereotypes are culturally and socially determined opinions about the qualities, attributes and norms of behavior of representatives of both sexes and their reflection in language. Gender stereotyping is fixed in language, is closely related to the expression of evaluation and influences the formation of expectations from representatives of one or the other gender of a certain type of behavior. Ideas about masculinity and femininity and their inherent properties take place in every culture; they are given significant space in rituals, folklore, mythological consciousness, and the “naive picture of the world.” At the same time, stereotyping and the value scale of gender are not the same in different cultures. The social roles of men and women also differ. They are usually regulated; such regulation is stereotyped and then functions in the collective consciousness according to the “right/wrong” scheme. The same actions of a person, depending on his gender, are given different content in different cultures; the same content finds different expression in actions. A stereotype serves as a behavior program.
The gender stereotype was historically formed in traditional patriarchal culture, which assigned the main role in social, economic and political life to men. The main, key principle of the stereotypical image of representatives of the male gender is the identification of his gender as the most important, key social characteristic, as the leading status indicator that determines the dominant position of men in the system of power relations. The very fact of being a man makes any representative of this gender community more highly valued in public opinion than any representative of the opposite gender.
The sociocultural conditioning of gender, its ritualization and institutionalization make it legitimate to study gender stereotypes and their reflection in language. Each sex in a given culture is assigned a number of mandatory norms and assessments that regulate gender behavior. This regulation is reflected in the language in the form of stable combinations, for example: “Men are the stronger sex. Men should be bosses and women should work for them. A woman’s place is in the home. It’s a man’s world.” Language, therefore, is one of the most important sources of knowledge about gender stereotyping and its changes over time, since gender stereotypes can be “counted” based on the analysis of language structures.
The entire inventory of gender stereotypes is recorded in the language, but the frequency of their use in speech is not the same. Communication analysis makes it possible to determine the most frequent stereotypes. The diversity of gender stereotypes makes it possible to manipulate them. This is especially true for communication systems aimed at a collective addressee, primarily the media. Analysis of texts addressed to a collective addressee and texts of various communication situations makes it possible to find out which gender stereotypes occur most often in a given historical period and how their dynamics change in diachrony.
The most powerful factor in the formation of public consciousness is the media of mass communication. They reinforce certain concepts and stereotypes in public opinion. Today, in the modern world, the pace of life has noticeably increased, and the flow of information has increased, therefore stereotypes are of great importance for the normal functioning of society and the person in it, because, first of all, they perform the function of “economy of thinking”, contribute to a certain “shortening” of the process of cognition and understanding what is happening in the world and around a person, as well as making the necessary decisions. Their role in communication processes in general is extremely great: they consolidate information about homogeneous phenomena, facts, objects, processes, people, etc.; allow people to exchange information, understand each other, participate in joint activities, develop common views, the same value orientation, and a common worldview; accelerate the emergence of a behavioral reaction based primarily on emotional acceptance or non-acceptance of information. A stereotype contributes to the creation and preservation of a positive “I-image”, the protection of group values, the explanation of social relations, the preservation and transmission of cultural and historical experience. Gender stereotypes perform all of the above functions, accumulating the experience of generations regarding the behavior of women and men, their character traits, moral qualities, etc. .
Journalism, like any manifestation of mass culture and mass consciousness, is impossible without stereotypical, stable ideas about what should and should not, bad and righteous, positive and negative. These stereotypes consist of stable ideas that go back to the commandments of world religions, folklore ideas and national experience. Stereotypes tend to change over time, reflect the political interests and ideology of states, national or international groups and parties, as well as ideas of ordinary consciousness characteristic of the era. They also reflect the moods, views and prejudices of the information carrier himself - the journalist. In this sense, no message is absolutely neutral (as journalism researchers from various countries have long agreed on) - it inevitably not only reflects the state of public consciousness and ideology, but also creates public opinion every day and every second; offers role models, ways of thinking and attitudes to reality. The famous words of V.I. Lenin that “a newspaper is a collective propagandist, agitator and organizer” largely reflect the state of modern media around the world, be it the New York Times, Asahi, All-Ukrainian Vedomosti ", or "Nezavisimaya Gazeta", SNN, Radio Jamaica, Reuters or Internet information sites. It is impossible not to say that, being in close contact with literature, journalism reproduced the images of men and women created by writers from different countries and peoples, developed them, and turned them into clichés. "Turgenev's Girls", Oblomovs and Chichikovs, who have been happily existing in the modern press for more than a hundred years, are a living example of this. Gender ideas in journalism at the end of the last century reflected the public discussion about the emancipation of women, women's education and social activities, accordingly dividing newspapers and magazines into two camps - supporters and opponents of changing the traditional place of women in modern society. Gender stereotypes in the media are inseparable from the ideal of a woman, as well as the idea of ​​a woman’s destiny, dominant in a given period. For example, in the media of pre-revolutionary Russia, the image of a patriarchal mother, a salon owner, and a respectable Christian woman dominated as a positive ideal. During the Soviet period, in accordance with the socialist ideas of the active participation of women in society, the dominant type was the “worker and mother” (N. Krupskaya’s definition), tractor driver, doctor and activist, building a happy future and ready to make any sacrifices for the good of the country. In the post-Soviet period (and due to the dominance of neoliberal ideology), all socialist ideas (including the idea of ​​​​the active participation of women in society) were rejected, and the idea of ​​​​a “natural destiny of a woman” as a mother and wife again became dominant. Women's organizations and associations of creative women from different professions have been actively working in recent years to overcome gender stereotypes in the media and culture.
As a result of a seminar on “Women and the Media” held at the FOJO Journalism Center in Kalmar, Sweden, in June 1995 in preparation for the Beijing Forum, a declaration was adopted that stated: “Images of women in the world media are largely consist of several basic stereotypes: the victim and the beast of burden, the sex object, the greedy consumer, the housewife, the defender of traditional values ​​and gender roles, and the “superwoman” torn between career and domestic work. The troubles that happen to women are assessed. often as “nobody’s fault”, and they themselves appear simply as “victims of circumstances”; these stereotypical images have little in common with real life.
When a woman is presented as a victim, the first task is to show the causes and roots of the situation, especially those that are somehow related to injustice and violence against women. It also reaffirms the intention to create images of women that reflect their contributions, strategies and activities in building a just, humane and sustainable life for the entire planet."
In the United States, a symposium on "Are American Beauty Standards Outdated" in 1995 discussed the widely circulated idea of ​​female beauty standards, a certain constructed image that all women should strive to live up to, which is met with sharp criticism in the women's media. Betty Friedan, in particular, noted that “our media owes a debt to women of all generations, they simply must respond to the spirit of the times, changing the strategy of shaping tastes and reflecting the wonderful diversity of beauty and the desire for self-affirmation that is characteristic of American women, if they are not oppressed the oppression of real problems - poverty, fear of violence."
It is the stereotypes of mass consciousness that are the most powerful barrier in establishing gender equality in society. A social stereotype is a schematic, standardized image or idea of ​​a social phenomenon or object, usually emotionally charged and highly stable. Expresses a person’s habitual attitude towards any phenomenon, formed under the influence of social conditions and previous experience; integral part of the installation. Stereotypes are synonymous with preconceived notions and false images. Gender stereotypes are internal attitudes regarding the place of men and women in society, their functions and social tasks. Stereotypes are the most difficult obstacle to overcome in creating fundamentally new relationships in society and the transition to a qualitatively new democratic state.
The peculiarity of stereotypes is that they penetrate so firmly into the subconscious that it is very difficult not only to overcome them, but also to realize them at all. Speaking of stereotypes, we can draw an analogy with an iceberg, only a small part of which is on the surface, which makes it extremely dangerous and destructive. Stereotypes have an equally detrimental effect on all areas of our lives and, especially, on relationships with others. They are barriers to our happiness. We are all, to a greater or lesser extent, their hostages. Stereotypes are individual or mass. Stereotypes of mass consciousness are the greatest barrier to establishing equal positions of women and men in the political, economic and cultural spheres - gender equality.

1.4 Conclusions on the first chapter

1. Data on language obtained by gender linguistics is one of the main sources of information about the nature and dynamics of the construction of gender as a product of culture and social relations. Language provides the key to studying the mechanisms of constructing gender identity. Gender differentiation is defined as the process in which biological differences between men and women are given social meaning and used as a means of social classification.
2. Masculinity is a complex of attitudes, behavioral characteristics, opportunities and expectations that determine the social practice of a particular group, united by gender. The “crisis of masculinity” is determined by the subjective experiences of men associated with the fact that men do not correspond to changed social conditions or the feminization of men and the disappearance of “real masculinity.” Femininity is the characteristics associated with the female gender, or characteristic forms of behavior expected of women in a given society. Types of masculinity and femininity are not the same in different cultures, in different periods of history; they differ depending on status characteristics.
3. An androgynous personality absorbs the best of both sex roles, has a rich set of sex-role behavior and uses it flexibly depending on dynamically changing social situations. Manifestations of androgyny also include hermaphroditism and transsexualism.
4. Feminism is understood as the struggle of women, and the ideology of equal rights, and social change, and ridding men and women of stereotypical roles, and improving the way of life, and active action. The main goal of feminist criticism of language is to expose and overcome the male dominance reflected in language in social and cultural life.
5. Gender stereotypes are generalized ideas (beliefs) formed in culture about how men and women actually behave. Stereotypes tend to change over time, reflect the political interests and ideology of states, national or international groups and parties, as well as ideas of ordinary consciousness characteristic of the era. The peculiarity of stereotypes is that they penetrate so firmly into the subconscious that it is very difficult not only to overcome them, but also to realize them at all.

2 Reflection of gender stereotypes in the press

2.1 Visual gendered information in periodicals

The research material was the American periodicals “Blender”, “Cosmopolitan”, “People”, “USA Today”, “New York Times”, “GQ Magazine” (30 issues were used for 2007-2009 with a total volume of 4716 pages). The choice of these particular publications is explained by a number of reasons - these newspapers and magazines are among the most popular and most read in the United States. Their circulations range from 100,000 to 2,600,000 copies per month, and many of these periodicals are available online in PDF format, allowing information to be downloaded free of charge by anyone. “Blender” and “People” magazines are aimed at readers of different age categories, both men and women. The magazines contain publications of an entertaining and informational nature. “Cosmopolitan” is a magazine for women, since most of the material is aimed at female readers - fashion, health, style and much more. “USA Today”, “New York Times” are “serious” periodicals aimed at a wide audience, they contain information about political and economic events, both in the United States and abroad. “GQ (Gentlemen Quarterly) Magazine” is a magazine for men, verbal and non-verbal information has a clearly masculine focus - fashion, cars, health.
The selection of the analyzed visual material was carried out according to its gender orientation using the continuous sampling method (a total of 286 articles containing images were selected, which amounted to about 80% of the total number of articles), and for its development, the method of qualitative-quantitative analysis (or content analysis).
From the visual information found in magazines, photographs were analyzed and further considered based on the gender of the character: male, female and mixed photographs. During the analysis, tables No. 1 and 2 were compiled - “Cosmopolitan” magazine, aimed at women; No. 3,4 - “GQ” magazine; No. 5, 6 - publications “Blender”, “New York Times”, “People”, “USA Today”, aimed at both men and women. These tables provide quantitative data from the study, which, in particular, is as follows:
Table No. 1
Occurrence of gender-oriented photographs in the magazine “Cosmopo litan” (in absolute numbers and in %)

It was noticed that women's photographs are found on the pages of “Cosmopolitan” 4.2 times more often than men’s, while women appear in all sections, but most often in such as Beauty News (up to 8 photos on one page), Real- Life Readers, Cosmo Look, Fun Fearless Fashion. On the pages of magazines there are often single photographs of women, where her physical advantages are emphasized; less often, a woman is depicted with her family, with children in an apartment, in everyday life. Images of men are often published in sections such as Man Manual, Cover Stories, Live. In the photographs, men play sports, perform on stage, or are captured with family or colleagues.
Mixed photographs are found 1.7 times more often than male ones on the pages of the analyzed Cosmopolitan magazine. Such photographs appear in all sections of magazines, and, as a rule, the woman is depicted in the foreground.
Based on the analyzed male, female, mixed images in the magazine “Cosmopolitan”, the following professional orientation can be distinguished:

Table No. 2
Professional activities of people depicted on the pages of “Cosmopolitan” (in absolute numbers and in %)

Advertising on the pages of “Cosmopolitan” is mainly aimed at the female half of readers (see Appendix 1). The leading positions are occupied by branded clothing and accessories, as well as various cosmetics. A woman aged 25-35 demonstrates an advertised product that emphasizes her physical assets.
Table No. 3
Occurrence of gender-oriented photographs in “GQ (Gentlemen Quarterly) Magazine” (in absolute numbers and in %)

Having analyzed photographs on the pages of the men's magazine “GQ”, we found that male images are found 2.5 and 3.2 times more often than female and, accordingly, mixed photographs. Single photographs of men are often contained in such categories as Style, Art, Trend (up to 7 photographs on one page). Men in GQ magazine are depicted in a format that emphasizes their physical assets, just like women in Cosmopolitan, most men are models or representatives of the cultural elite, politicians, businessmen.
Women's photographs are more often found in sections such as Cover Story, MusicArts, Style; there are almost no photographs in the Technics and Trends sections. A woman is not depicted with a family with children, in an apartment, in everyday life; on the contrary, a woman is an object of sexual desire, “slightly” naked and a representative of show business.
Mixed images of men and women are even less common in the magazine than women. In the photo, a woman accompanies a man at various social events.
Based on the analyzed male, female, mixed images in GQ magazine, the following professional orientation can be distinguished:
Table No. 4
Professional activities of people depicted on the pages of “GQ” (in absolute numbers and in %)

Advertising on the pages of “GQ” has a masculine focus (see Appendix 2); the most advertised products are men's branded clothing and accessories, in particular watches of famous brands. In addition, there are a number of cosmetics and perfumes advertised by men aged 25-45 years, which in turn emphasize his physical advantages. Advertising of cars and the latest computer technologies is presented in this magazine.
Table No. 5
Occurrence of gender-oriented photographs in magazines and newspapers “Blender”, “New York Times”, “People”, “USA Today” (in absolute numbers and in%)

Having analyzed the mixed media, it was found that photographs of men are 1.4 times more common than photographs of women. At the same time, the man appears in all sections, but most often in such as International News, National News, Sport, Business (up to 10 photographs on one page). On the pages of magazines there are often single photographs of men before publication, most often these are representatives of political parties, economic or political commentators, as well as artists.
Women's photographs are more often found in such sections as Home, Letters, Style; in the Business News and Sport sections there are almost no photographs of them (the exception is “USA Today”, in the material about the US Olympic gymnast team). The woman is often depicted with her family with children, in an apartment, at home (there are pictures where she, for example, washes dishes, etc.).
Mixed pictures are even less common than men’s: on the pages of the analyzed publications “Blender”, “New York Times”, “People”, “USA Today” - there are 2.6 times fewer of them than all men’s and 1.9 times less than all women. Such photographs appear in all sections, and, as a rule, the woman is depicted in the foreground.
Table No. 6
Professional activities of people depicted on the pages of “Blender”, “New York Times”, “People”, “USA Today” (in absolute numbers and in %)

Advertising on the pages of “Blender”, “New York Times”, “People”, “USA Today” is mainly aimed at the male half of readers (see Appendix 3,4,5,6). The leading positions are occupied by branded clothing and accessories, equipment, cars, financial investments, as well as various cosmetics that not only emphasize physical advantages, but also give solidity to the male image (for example, various brands of watches).
So, in the women’s magazine “Cosmopolita n”, the predominance of feminine-oriented visual information is naturally visible, since women’s photographs are 4.2 times more common than men’s. The photographs highlight the physical advantages of a woman, who is often a representative of show business or the fashion world; less often, a woman is depicted with her family. In the men's magazine “GQ,” masculine-oriented visual information predominates, since men's photos are found 2.5 and 3.2 times more often than women's and, accordingly, mixed photos. In men, physical advantages and social status are also emphasized, most of whom are representatives of the cultural elite, politicians and businessmen. In publications of a mixed nature, male images are found 1.4 times more often than female ones. The authors of these publications focus readers' attention on representatives of political parties and businessmen, depicting them in separate photographs, the number of which reaches 10 photographs on one page. The woman is often depicted with her family.

2.2 Verbal gender-oriented information in periodicals

When studying verbal information, both the articles themselves and their titles were taken into account and analyzed. All words containing sex (biological) and gender (social) indicators were written out on separate cards in three groups: “masculine marked”, “feminine marked” and “gender neutral”. In addition, the following subgroups were distinguished within the subgroup: (1) first and last names, (2) titles, (3) titles, (4) positions, professions, (5) family relationships, (6) words of special gender designation, invective (see Table 7,8,9). This grouping was carried out with the aim of identifying femininity and masculinity and the degree of their dominance in verbal information on the magazine page. We consider it appropriate to conduct a detailed examination of verbal information within the framework of three groups of periodicals: those aimed at women - “Cosmopolitan”, those with a masculine character - “GQ” and those designed for a “mixed” audience - “Blender”, “New York Times”, “People” , USA Today.
As a result of the analysis of the Cosmopolitan magazine, it turned out that out of the total number of statistics
etc.................

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I. Gevinner

Irina Gewinner (Hannover, Germany) is a researcher at the Institute of Sociology at Leibniz University Hannover. Email: [email protected]

GENDER STEREOTYPES: WHAT DO THE IMAGES OF WOMEN IN THE POPULAR WOMEN'S MAGAZINES OF THE USSR AND THE GDR EVIDENCE?

In the USSR, the media in general and printed magazines in particular were called upon to shape attitudes, behavior patterns, cultural norms and consumption practices. Thus, in the USSR, propaganda stereotypes of the new Soviet woman for decades supported the image of “emancipated”, i.e. working woman, essentially rewarding her with a double burden - paid employment in public production and unpaid housework and raising children. In this regard, the images of women in the USSR were distinguished by ambivalence in the gender orientation of clothing and behavioral roles. They were reproduced from generation to generation, according to the theory of gender schema by S. Bem (1981).

This article aims to find out whether the images of women in printed magazines of the USSR are similar to the images of women in other countries of the social bloc, in particular in the GDR. The aim is therefore to discuss the transmission of patterns of behavior and consumption in printed magazines within the framework of “advanced socialism”, which corresponds to the period of the 1970s. To what extent do magazines influence women in a uniform way? Are the images of women fundamentally different in popular magazines in other (capitalist) countries?

The results indicate a divergence in the images of women in the Soviet Union and in East Germany.

Key words: image, gender stereotypes, popular women's magazines, USSR, GDR.

Irina Gewinner (Hannover, Germany) - Research Assistant at the University of Hannover; Email: [email protected]

GENDER STEREOTYPES: WOMEN STEREOTYPES IN POPULAR WOMEN'S MAGAZINES IN THE USSR AND THE GDR

In the USSR, media in general and print magazines, in particular, have been designed to create views, patterns of behavior, cultural norms and practices of consumption. Thus, in Soviet Russia, propaganda stereotypes of the new Soviet women throughout decades maintained the image of an “emancipated” woman, i.e. an employed woman with other duties like unpaid housework and child-rearing. In this regard, the images of women of Soviet Russia featured ambivalence of gender orientation of clothes and behavioral roles. They were being reproduced from generation to generation, according to the gender schema theory by S. Bem (1981).

This article aims at revealing whether images of women in print magazines are consistent with pictures of

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Soviet women in other socialist countries, in particular, in the GDR. Thus, I wish to discuss the transfer of patterns of behavior and consumption in print magazines in the "developed socialism", which corresponds to the period of the 1970s. To what extent do magazines affect women in a unified way? Are the images of women dramatically different in popular magazines in other (capitalist) countries?

The findings indicate a discrepancy between women's images in Soviet Russia and East Germany.

Key words: images, gender stereotypes, popular women magazines, USSR, GDR.

Introduction

Among other important functions, the media are a tool of social communication: they convey images, values, norms, differentiate news according to their importance and, thus, construct reality. In totalitarian, “closed” societies with a deficit of democratic rights and freedoms of individuals, the media acquire even greater importance: they are probably the most powerful means of propaganda, carry elements of ideology, and form the patterns of individual behavior desired by the state.

First of all, such practices correspond to such an extensive socio-historical experiment as the USSR. It was in the key countries of the social bloc that the media in general and printed magazines in particular were called upon to shape views, patterns of behavior, cultural norms and consumption practices. As M. Gudova and I. Rakipova (2010) note, “...ideologically oriented women's magazines managed to convince women from their pages that their living and working conditions... were optimal...”. This was brought to life through not only text, but also graphic images, which in the long term transmitted latent messages to the reader about “how to” and “how to do it right.” In addition, print media reproduce cultural stereotypes from generation to generation, thus having a significant impact on public perception of minorities, gender issues, etc. This is manifested in the images of women and men in the printed press, through which their social and public position is read.

Research emphasizes the special role of the media in socialist countries - they represent effective remedy“changes in the psychology, behavior of the female masses, their unification into production teams, coordination of labor and everyday activities, replacement of personal interests with national ones.” Thus, the emphasis lies in the sphere of formation of consciousness, patterns of behavior and values ​​desired by the authorities. However, to what extent are the media really capable of being guided only by this policy and objectively putting this idea into practice? To what extent do they have exclusively socialist features of influence on women - homogenization, masculinization - that are radically different from the methods of depicting women in popular magazines in other (capitalist) countries?

This article aims to compare the images of women and thus discuss the transmission of patterns of behavior and consumption in printed magazines in the USSR and in the GDR within the framework of “advanced socialism”, which corresponds to the period of the 1970s. On the one hand, the Soviet Union represented the ideological “heart” of socialism, the engine for building a socialist future. On the other hand, the closed state borders and the ban on foreign goods and cultural norms were associated by a large number of Soviet citizens with romantic images of the “West” and everything foreign. This, not least of all, provided fertile ground in the USSR for the dissemination and literal absorption of popular women’s magazines from the GDR, which was perceived as “abroad”, and the images of women documented in them.

Theoretical considerations

The theoretical basis of my work is the theory of gender schema by S. Bem (1981, 1983), which combines the features of psychological and social theories of gender information processing. According to this theory, children from an early age learn the so-called. gender polarization - dividing the world according to gender criteria. So, for example, emotionality or the desire to gain harmony are perceived as something feminine, and silent restraint or tall stature are perceived as typically masculine. According to such criteria, children learn to be typed based on gender - and adapt to behavioral frameworks according to these structures. In this case, two important processes are affected - the cognitive development of the child, manifested in the differentiation of the life world according to gender criteria (1), as well as the social nature of this educational process (2). That is, on the one hand, typing based on gender is mediated in the child by his own cognitive processing of what is happening, while the processing of information according to the gender scheme is a derivative of practices for sexual differentiation in the corresponding social community. Thus, gender schema theory suggests that gender typing is a learnable phenomenon, which implies that it can be changed and modified.

Essentially, gender schemas are mental scripts, just like the scripts of daily routines and everyday practices. As gender schemas develop, children begin to apply them to their own practices and situations in everyday life. Thus, gender schemas are an important component of children's gender identity development; on the other hand, they represent a source of gender stereotyping and behavior based on gender stereotypes. Research shows that girls are more prone to gender stereotyping than boys.

Based on the above, it is easy to predict

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assume that the media significantly influence the assimilation of gender stereotypes by their consumers. Numerous studies conducted on the example of watching television have shown that not only children, but also adults are influenced by gender images transmitted by this means of communication if consumers associate themselves with the presented images [See, for example: 13]. Moreover, the authors of the social learning theory argue that consumers of media sources draw on and adopt the proposed gender stereotypes, which can subsequently influence the attitudes and behavior patterns of individuals.

Even if stereotypes are to some extent subject to change depending on historical and political contexts (which, however, is not confirmed by some studies), they are largely capable of shaping and reflecting cultural values, norms and ideologies. In particular, they convey gender and professional stereotypes, values, body language, fashion, and relationships. Thus, the media in general and print magazines in particular reproduce what is considered typically feminine and typically masculine in a particular society, what gender roles are expected of the sexes, what behavior is considered conforming and what is unacceptable.

In any case, many gender stereotypes are based on the feminine-masculine dichotomy, polarizing and contrasting qualities, biological characteristics, typical traits and character traits between men and women. Thus, typically female roles imply something hedonistic (physical attractiveness, slimness), while agonistic images are more often inherent in men (strength, aggression, independence). This study is based on the classification developed by S. Kaiser and uses as a supplement the features of the ideals of Soviet masculinity and femininity, considered in the works of domestic researchers.

Research into images of women and men in

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Various media sources in the United States have shown that the dichotomy of images has been present for a long period of time and, as a rule, emphasizes the passivity of women and their inability to make decisions independently. In addition, images of women often have a family, recreational or decorative nature, thus distancing themselves from the public sphere (politics, work). Moreover, longitudinal studies of images of women in popular magazines conclude that women are most often portrayed in a feminine way. Do the images of Soviet women follow the same tradition?

Images of Soviet women in the 1970s

years in popular magazines (USSR)

In a number of Soviet popular women's magazines (for example, “Rabotnitsa”, “Peasant Woman”), images of women were often used as a tool of influence on the reader/readers. Since the ruling power controlled almost the entire press, it had the opportunity to broadcast the images and qualities of Soviet women it desired in order to create a “new Soviet man.” In addition to the function of creating reality through printed images, magazines emphasized the formation and maintenance of the image of a real Soviet woman. The goal was to form a Soviet stereotype of the “worker and mother,” which was not based at all on the need for a sudden egalitarian gender policy on the part of the Soviet government, but on the need for an urgent rise in the country’s economy. It is significant that the CPSU assumed the extensive inclusion of women in the public sphere through the employment of the latter, but provided only low-skilled jobs for Soviet women. However, this circumstance was especially emphasized only in the post-war years, when women were forced to participate in the reconstruction of the country. By the time of the formation of “developed socialism” (1970s), typically female spheres of employment had been recreated, which allowed women to

increase your level of education and social status.

The peculiarities of the images of women in Soviet women's printed publications of the 1970s consisted not only in the transmission of the appropriate image of a Soviet-style citizen, but also in the formation of the correct ideology and gender culture. So, distinctive features Women's images consisted, as a rule, of an active life position and equality with men. It is noteworthy that equality implied the equality of men with women, which could only be achieved by the inclusion of the latter in the production process. The Western and bourgeois idea of ​​a man as the breadwinner of the family is being forced out of Soviet gender culture, giving a woman the opportunity to become financially independent from a man. However, equality existed only theoretically and formally on paper (legislation). In practice, the ruling government has only strengthened the gender segregation of professions into male and female, thus significantly limiting women’s access to the real elimination of discrimination and the achievement of equality. Traditional women's spheres remained home and family, as well as typically female professions (social sphere, food, textile industry, sewing).

This discrepancy is clearly visible in the images of women in Soviet printed popular magazines. The Soviet press tried in every possible way to obscure the discrepancies between official legal decrees and existing reality. This was manifested in the depiction of socially and politically active women, most often in the workplace or in public places. A large number of popular magazines (“Peasant Woman”, “Rabotnitsa”) thematically focused on women’s professional self-realization, consciously displacing gender stereotypes from their publications. Soviet women are rarely depicted as tired, drooping under a pile of problems and the difficulty of combining the social roles of “worker” and “mother”; images of women in the private sphere (at home) are rare. Vice versa,

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images reflect, if not overt involvement in the public sphere (work, public space), then at least the blurriness or uncertainty of the background (nature, studio).

However, other categories of evaluation of women’s images in popular magazines indicate a divergence from the given and desired norms, still implying the everyday, family and traditionally patriarchal lot of women. Thus, the clothes of women in magazine images are distinguished by modesty and functionality; not only their femininity is emphasized (headscarf, brooch, etc.), but also practicality in everyday life, when it is necessary to combine several social roles in one individual. Elegance is limited to discreet dresses and economical suits, which are designed to average, mix with the general gray mass, hide social origin and latently indicate the strengthening of collectivist attitudes. Particular emphasis is placed on modesty, a typical Soviet ideal of femininity that denies any hint of sexuality.

The age of the women depicted is averaged beyond recognition and does not seek to emphasize particular youth or old age. As a rule, these are women 40-50 years old, in the prime of life and suitable for socialist production. Magazines rarely depict young girls, but rather emphasize the socialist maturity of female “workers.”

Their poses are ambivalent: on the one hand, the patterns of behavior of the depicted women indicate strength of spirit, independence in work (operating machines, working on a machine), competence - clear agonistic characteristics. On the other hand, women are rarely depicted at the head or center of men. On the contrary, the images imply restraint, bordering on the passivity of social roles: women are shown in a team, among other women, while performing collective work. In photographs with men, women play the role of a passive listener who listens to explanations or instructions. IN

In companies, women bow their heads and listen attentively, respectfully to men, looking up at them. In images of couples, women are characterized as modest creatures, lowering their gaze in front of the man and sometimes coquettishly tilting their heads to the side. The described features of behavioral patterns imply rather a hedonic function of women: dependence, heterosexual orientation, partly physical attractiveness.

The images of women in Soviet popular magazines of the 1970s are ambivalent and combine both hedonistic and agonistic attitudes. Soviet women are elegant, they wear dresses and skirts, which is designed to emphasize their femininity and difference from men. Printed magazines depict attractive ladies with natural skin tones and no makeup, thus suggesting a healthy lifestyle through regular work and a rejection of makeup as a bourgeois necessity. Soviet young people are “emancipated”, i.e. working women are slim and well-groomed, which at least indirectly indicates their hedonic function. At the same time, women in the Soviet Union are portrayed as competent, confident, proactive, and embodying vigor and fortitude. In general, the hypothesis about the dominance of traditional stereotypes of images of women in Soviet print media is not confirmed.

As N. Azhgikhina notes, the classic Soviet stereotype of the “worker and mother,” reproduced by the official press, persisted throughout the years of the USSR. Note that the indicated ambivalence of images was also inherent in images of women in East German magazines, but dated more likely from the 1950s-1960s.

Methodological basis of the study

To compare the images of women in popular printed publications of the USSR and East Germany (GDR), images of

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women in such well-known East German magazines as "Für Dich" ("For You"), "Pramo", as well as "Der deutsche Straßenverkehr" ("German Road Traffic") and "Freie Welt" ("Free World"). The first two publications are popular magazines aimed exclusively at a female audience, while the last two are gender-neutral general magazines that do not focus on women. All of these magazines were published in the GDR and ceased to exist after the reunification of Germany.

“Für Dich” is an illustrated women's magazine published weekly and includes a variety of sections from various fields - politics, economics, culture, fashion and cosmetics, letters from readers and practical advice for women.

"Pramo" is a richly illustrated women's fashion magazine published by the only publishing house in the GDR, "Verlag für die Frau" ("Publishing House for Women"), containing in its title the abbreviation of the phrase "practical fashion". As you know, abbreviations were very fashionable in the USSR, and the very name of the magazine reflected the spirit of the times. The East German “Pramo” was essentially a long-term analogue of the West German “Burdamoden” - not only was it published in the magazine current fashion, but also conveyed its accessibility through the opportunity to make it with your own hands: each issue contained hemmed patterns and patterns.

“Der deutsche Straßenverkehr” was published monthly and reported on the emerging automobile industry in the GDR and the desire for individual mobility. In addition to reporting on cars from East Germany and other countries, the magazine provided advice on travel, repairs, and reports on road safety and traffic regulations.

"Freie Welt" is an illustrated magazine with an editorial office in Berlin and a permanent foreign representative office in Moscow. In addition to reports on culture and everyday life in the GDR, USSR and other countries sympathetic to socialism (Ethiopia, Chile), the publication published

mainly political, ideological and propaganda articles.

To analyze the images of women, several copies of these magazines published in the 1970s were selected by random sampling. The study necessarily included both summer and winter publications in order to neutralize any seasonal differences, which are characteristic primarily of fashion magazines. For a comparative study, 328 images of women present in these magazines were taken into account. They were carefully categorized and scanned for subsequent content analysis.

Large images were analyzed that included at least one woman whose body was shown at least %. The analysis included both color and black-and-white images of women. The study of images of women took place in three important areas:

The analysis of the gender orientation of clothing was based on ordinal scales of clothing attributes corresponding to the generally accepted ideals of masculinity and femininity of the Soviet era (See Fig. 1).

Rice. 1. Ideals of masculinity and femininity in clothing (1=masculine, 2=feminine)

angular---12345---rounded

asceticism

flashiness---12345---modesty

extravagance---12345---practicality

simplicity---12345---elegance

masculinity

resemblance to a man ---12345-traditional femininity_

hair length

short---12345---long

Labyrinth

" Journal of Social and Humanitarian Research

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hanging---12345---tight-fitting

dark---12345---light

bright---12345---gray

Rice. 2. Gender role orientations

Agonistic (male) Hedonic (female)

1) goal achievement 1) interest in appearance

2) action, activity 2) physical attractiveness

3) independence from others 3) dependence, passivity

4) competitiveness 4) heterosexual attractiveness

7) competence

Table 1. The total number and percentage ratio of images of women showing agonistic and hedonic gender role orientations

An assessment was made of the presence or absence of qualities typical of a particular gender orientation.

Images of Soviet women in the 1970s in popular magazines (GDR)

So, for a comparative context analysis of the images of women in popular magazines of the GDR of the 1970s, 328 images of women were studied: 24 from “Freie Welt”, 88 from “Der deutsche Straßenverkehr” (of which 34 caricatures), 106 images from the magazine "Für dich" and 110 from "Pramo". In fact, more women were studied than images, because the latter sometimes documented not one, but several women at once. The results of the distribution of hedonic and agonistic gender role orientations are presented in Table. 1.

number of women % of total*

Traits associated with hedonism

1) interest in appearance 34 8.6

2) physical attractiveness 286 72.7

3) dependence, passivity 97 24.6

4) heterosexual attractiveness 169 43.0

Traits associated with agonism

1) achieving the goal 49 12.4

2) action, proactivity 71 18.0

3) independence from others 19 4.8

4) competitiveness - -

5) aggression - -

6) strength 3 0.7

7) competence 114 29.0

*The amount of % does not add up to 100%, because... the same woman could combine both agonistic and hedonic traits.

It should be noted that the target audience of printed magazines largely determined the semantic orientation of the images.

For example, "Freie Welt" is rich in images of men, reviews and messages from all over the world, and therefore there are few images of women in it. In general, the range of images of women presented is quite wide - from average BAM workers to half-naked actresses, without a specific emphasis on clothing or behavioral/social roles of women. To study the gender orientation of women's images, their clothing was rated on a scale from 1 to 5, where 1 implies masculinity and 5 implies femininity.

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Neutral orientation was scored as 3, with which the average values ​​of 24 images of women were compared. The average value of women's clothing orientations in the Freie Welt magazine is 3.3. In other words, the gender orientation of clothing in the studied images of women was relatively neutral and did not lean toward either masculinity or emphasized femininity. Further analysis of gender orientations of women's roles showed that in 42% (n=10) of cases women were depicted as passive, attractive and as if in addition to a man. This was manifested, for example, in the images of women listening attentively to men, serving them, and acting as escorts.

The images of women in the motoring magazine "Der deutsche Straßenverkehr" showed themselves to be quite one-sided in terms of positioning women. This was especially true for 34 cartoons with clearly sexist content, which were excluded from the study for methodological reasons. In the remaining 54 units of analysis, there are often traditional images that convey the domestic and family lot of women: teachers taking children across the road, doctors in white coats, students studying a map on the side of the road, ladies controlling traffic, representatives of the people’s police. Women are often depicted as passengers (car or motorcycle), as persons interested in caravans on wheels, as mothers transporting children. The stereotypical classic images of technically ungifted women who do not know how to change a tire or put on a snow chain, watched by men, are striking. However, content analysis of women's gender roles showed that in only 48% (n=26) of cases women are portrayed in a hedonistic manner. The gender orientation of clothing in the studied images of women turned out to be neutral (m=3.4), although it showed a slight tendency towards femininity.

Of particular interest are the popular East German print magazines with women's target audience- “Für dich” and “Pramo”. So,

the first of them is replete with images of women of different age groups (girls, young students, young mothers, middle-aged women, elderly ladies). The range of professions that are latently read from images is also wide: these include laboratory workers, workers in factories and farms, musicians, doctors of various specializations, athletes, party workers, and employees of the educational sphere (educators, teachers). The magazine signals that by the advent of the 1970s in the GDR, women were not only actively involved in the public sphere/production, but also successfully mastered all kinds of professions. However, images rarely imply that women occupy leadership positions: as a rule, representatives of lower and middle management are broadcast. Latently implied gender segregation of professions is also common.

The images broadcast by the magazine “Für dich” represent well-groomed women who take care of their appearance and wear makeup. Women are often depicted with long hair, tailored dresses, short skirts and high-heeled shoes. The images of East German women are distinguished by taste and elegance, their clothes are varied in style, fabrics and silhouettes. Items of clothing do not hang like a bag, and often emphasize the figure of the owner, perhaps varying in length. Women are happy to use suitable accessories (bags, brooches, scarves, belts, chains) and pose against the backdrop of nature. Depending on the season and fashion trends, sportswear is also used, emphasizing the independence of women (for example, repairs). Knitted garments are characterized by quality, variety of patterns and elegance.

In general, the images of women in the GDR imply a rather feminine orientation to their clothing (m=4). Thus, the analyzed images indicate a hedonic gender orientation of women, which is confirmed by 85% (n=91) of the corresponding behavioral roles.

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Similar conclusions emerge from a content analysis of 110 images from the Pramo fashion magazine. Women's images imply modesty and taste, elegance and ingenuity, resourcefulness and neatness at the same time. Women are portrayed as attractive, sometimes even flirtatious (flirtatious smile, mysterious look, turn of the head, slight thoughtfulness, etc.). Some documents clearly show women's interest in their appearance - this is determined by applying makeup, adjusting a piece of clothing. The color of ladies' dresses is not averaged to gray, but represents pleasant tones - beige, pale pink, yellow, pale blue, red, etc. Content analysis shows that the average value of women's clothing orientations in the magazine "Pramo" is even higher than in the women's publication "Für dich", and is equal to 4.02. On a scale between the poles of masculinity and femininity, this value clearly leans towards the second and thus speaks of the features associated with the feminine gender orientation of clothing. Thus, the hypothesis about the penetration of traditional cultural gender stereotypes into the images of women in GDR printed publications is confirmed in the case of popular women's magazines.

Discussion

Images of women in popular publications in East Germany - as well as in the USSR - were used to create and maintain the image of a Soviet woman, the same “worker and mother” as in Soviet Russia. Just as in the heart of socialism, the ruling party of the GDR included women in the public sphere through employment. As in the USSR, the 1970s in East Germany were characterized by a massive return of women to typically female spheres of employment.

However, the obvious differences between the gender orientations of clothing and behavioral roles of women in the USSR and the GDR are noteworthy. Thus, the results of this study indicate that the images of women in popular women's magazines

magazines of the GDR run counter to the images of women in magazines of the Soviet Union, conveying a temporary transformation of the image of the former and a certain ossification in the transmission of the image of the latter. The results of the content analysis indicate that the women of the GDR are portrayed in a more feminine way - the peculiarity of East German fashion and photography is to emphasize not individuality and dynamic change, but “mass character and textile expediency.” The results of this study are consistent with analyzes of images of women conducted in other countries. To some extent, they contradict the given policy of emancipated equality and allow us to draw clear parallels with the images of women in magazines of other - not necessarily socialist - countries.

It seems that the images of women in popular women's magazines of the GDR had a certain influence on readers in the USSR through the former's distribution channels. As noted, the ambivalence of images emphasized among Soviet women in the 1970s is compatible with images of women in the GDR in the 1950s and 60s. As N. Azhgikhina notes, in the 1980s, new, alternative to the official, stereotypes arose in the USSR, dividing into two types - “a peasant woman cultivating the land and raising children, and a sexy Cinderella waiting for a prince.”

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